Thursday, July 29, 2004
 
Hope and Remembrance
Today was the two year anniversary (by the Hebrew Calendar) of the bombing at the Frank Sinatra cafeteria at Hebrew University, on Mount Scopus.  To put this in perspective for you, and to share with you how this event personalizes terrorism for me, this is the cafeteria I eat at when I have lunch at school.  Four of the nine killed that day were students; three of them were students at the Rothberg International School, my program.  Like me, they were studying during the summer; like I do many days, they decided to have lunch on campus at Sinatra.  I know a couple of people who left the cafeteria that day, just minutes before the blast, because there was too long a line; it was a hot day, and there were lots of people inside enjoying the air conditioning.  One of the staff members who was killed, Janis Coulter, was the woman with whom I emailed when I first became interested in the program here.  She was from Boston and earned her Masters Degree at the University of Denver.  And as personal as all of this seems to me--students in my program doing what I do with only a rare second thought, a woman I corresponded with electronically, from two of my hometowns--I know my connections to these people are no more than second-degree.  It's impossible for me to imagine what it would be like to know someone killed in such a horrible way, but, sadly, in this country that puts me into a distinct minority.

There was a very moving memorial service today in the courtyard outside the cafeteria.Terrorists can damage and kill, but they can't destroy.  With this tree, which was uprooted but not killed in the blast, as a background, the forty-five minute Hebrew service remembered the dead, honored the injured, reaffirmed Hebrew University's mission to be an institution committed to peace and openness, and concluded with the singing of HaTikvah, Israel's national anthem.  When you hear that song, whether it's belted out as a war cry at a European League basketball game or somberly and quietly chanted, as it was today, you can't miss the determination behind the eyes of everyone singing it.  I and everyone else know that Israel is not perfect in its actions--in fact, everyone in the country is qualified to run the government, to hear them talk--but the emotion that is behind the singing of the himnon transcends politics, transcends sports, transcends even the lives that were lost and commemorated today.  The symbolism of this uprooted tree--shaken through and through, but still brimming with leaves--seems too unmistakable to be accidental.

Wednesday, July 28, 2004
 
Hitzlachti!
Success, baby!Yesterday I studied for about eight hours (a full twelve if you include the breaks) for the Arabic final I had today.  This final covered half of the course material--all the grammar and the classical Arabic texts.  I had not done so well on average on the quizzes in this class; we got a lot of information very quickly, and it was very easy to get confused.  Well, yesterday's study session paid off, big time.

Sagit, our teacher for this half of the course, is leaving the country later today, and graded our tests as she received them.  I finished mine and turned it in, then went to take care of getting some books from the library that I need.  That done, I made my way back to class, where Sagit had finished grading mine.

I am thrilled with the grade I got, both on the final itself and in that half of the course.  It's (again!) the same grade I seem to be unable to get away from...it seems to be the only grade I ever get, not that I'm at all complaining about that.  Considering how I thought I was going to do on the final based on my quiz grades, I am more than just happy with this grade.  I worked hard for it all summer (with yesterday being the exclamation point) and so this is the most satisfying mark I've received in a long time.

Tuesday, July 27, 2004
 
Fie Diddle Dee Dee, A Bachelor's Life For Me
I actually doubt that the way I've lived the past couple of days is really the "bachelor lifestyle," unless that means going to class, doing lots of schoolwork, keeping the apartment neat, watching a (very) little TV, and actually making an effort to cook myself food.  I heard from Elana by email, and she said she's having a great time in Italy...stories forthcoming, as there was a line for the computer.

There are no classes today because of Tisha b'Av, the 9th day of the month of Av--a fasting day commemorating the destruction of both the first and second Temples.  This morning I am going up to French Hill, a neighborhood near the University, to meet up at a friend's apartment with a portion of my Arabic class to study for the grammar section of the final, which is tomorrow.  I've also been writing my paper for the Lebanon class, which is about half done.

That's it from here.  Today my plans are to try to make enchiladas after I study...so far these are very ambitious plans, since I have yet to find tortillas anywhere.  I'm just pleased that I'm motivated enough to actually prepare food for myself.  The way I hear it, the standard bachelor's diet demands that I have nothing in the fridge except some packets of mustard and leftover take-out.  With that in mind, I think I'm doing rather well.

Sunday, July 25, 2004
 
And summer begins...
In about five hours, Elana leaves for Italy.  I stay here.

We said goodbye this morning in Ashdod, from where Alla will be taking her to Ben Gurion to meet some of her classmates, with whom she will travel to the land of La Dolce Vita to study at an art school in a small town in Umbria.  I'd be going today too, except I have to finish this Arabic course (I can't believe it's almost over...just a week and a half to go!).  After the Arabic course, I'm out of here ...also on my way to Italy, to join Elana for a month or so.   We're going to be apart for only the week and a half of the course; not too bad.  We've been separated for longer periods of time.

In the meantime, though, in Israel, I'm going to devote all of my energy to my work.  Well, not all of it, I suppose; I'll take breaks to eat and sleep, watch some TV...basically anything to keep the time moving forward.  I just took a quiz on the Hollow verb in Arabic (meaning verbs that have a vowel as their middle radical--don't you wish you were in an Arabic class, too?) and there were no surprises, so that is always a comfort.  I've received my grade for the Bahai class, which is the exact same grade I've received in every other non-language class I've taken here.  I'm not complaining--it's a grade I'm happy with--but I worry that the PhD programs I will apply to will think that my transcript is the result of some sort of feedback loop between the computer and the printer.  I have two papers to write--one due before I leave, one due after I get back--and I'm shooting for a higher grade in those classes, if for no other reason then to disrupt the monotony.

And that's it.  I'm going to relax a little bit, suffer through the rest of class (it runs late today because it's Sunday) and then head home and get to business...one eye on my work, and one eye on the calendar.  The fifth of August comes on apace!

Wednesday, July 21, 2004
 
"Blame Is-ra-el..."
Since I last wrote, Yasir has removed his cousin from his new post and Ahmed Qureia's resignation has not taken effect; the fighting goes on.  Arafat has shown himself to be susceptible to public opinion, and at this point Qureia has resigned and come back so many times that one of my favorite columnists has taken to mocking his nomme de guerre, "Abu Ala," by calling him "Abu Merang."

Meanwhile, the UN passed a resolution (non-binding) that Israel tear down the security fence, as the one-sided opinions of world bodies seem to climb over each other to be the latest ridiculous and counterproductive criticism of the Jewish state.  Incidentally, among the Europeans, France led the way on this one--perhaps a little turn-up-of-the-nose at Ariel Sharon, whose recent comments in Paris that the 600,000 French Jews should emigrate to Israel to escape rising anti-Semitism in France touched a nerve, brought a French demand for an explanation (seems pretty clear to me, doesn't it to you?) and made the Prime Minister persona non grata in France.  And, sadly, Israel can do nothing to chastise France for its leadership on the UN resolution, since deep-fried potato slivers are called "chips" here.  The name can't change to "security fries."

I'm sick of politics.  Really, I'm not; I love discussing, debating, arguing politics and defending my opinions.  I'm sick of world politics directed at Israel.  The ICJ ruling, and now the UN resolution, made a mockery of those bodies' alleged impartiality, and those are not the first nor, surely, the last unfair criticisms of Israel.  What motivates them?  I'm sure it's more complicated than simple anti-Semitism, or Holocaust guilt alleviation.  I just haven't been able to come up with any other explanation for these head-scratchers.  With the rise of anti-Semitism in Europe, one has to wonder if the European politicians are simply pandering to the Jew haters in their constituency.  Or, do they actually believe this crap they put out?  I'm sorry if I sound somewhat vitriolic today; after all, most of the European nations were emphatic about having the text recognize Israeli security concerns, which makes this at least a step better than the ICJ decision.  Remind me to send them each a fine Golan wine in thanks for their acknowledgement of the fact that Although the Palestinians are suffering and it is all Israel's fault, Israel has some security concerns that have a right to at least be discussed.
 
Sick of it.  Wake up, Europe!  Wake up!  I know that this conflict is hard on the Palestinians.  And Israel is responsible for a good portion of that hardship.  But so, too, is Jordan (Black September), Lebanon (Civil War), Syria, Iraq, Egypt, America, the Palestinians' own corrupt leadership, and onward.  And the fine-print mention of the fact that maybe having its busses blown up and its cafes bombed is a bit of downer for Israel, and that the prevention of these upsetting-but-inevitable occurrences is something that might merit discussion, shows me not only an unbalanced view of the situation.  This is beyond imbalance.  There are obviously political agendas at play, and whatever differences they may have, they all have one thing in common: condemnation of the state of Israel.  Why do they want to do that?  Well, I've mentioned possibilities.  I really hope that someone can come up with another explanation, and be right.

Sunday, July 18, 2004
 
That it Should Come to This...
The Palestinian Authority is facing the worst leadership crisis it has ever seen. It is really hard to get information about what is actually going on. Here's what I know:

A few days ago in Gaza, Ghazi Jabali, the head of the Palestinian security apparatus, was abducted by militants. These militants, ironically, were demanding what Israel has been demanding all along: reform. Specifically, they demanded that Jabali, the very man they kidnapped, be removed from his post in order to be released alive. This kidnapping was the start of a spate of kidnappings in the Gaza Strip, including the kidnapping and release of four French nationals.

Arafat accepted the demands: Jabali was released, and he has indeed been relieved of his duties. And whom did Yasir Arafat assign to replace Ghazi Jabali?

Moussa Arafat. Yasir's nephew.

This was a slap in the face to the kidnappers and their supporters: the very reform they demand is an end to corruption and nepotism, and a Prime Minister whose hands are not tied by Arafat, who can make peace. As you all recall, this very conflict led the first Palestinian Prime Minister, Mahmoud Abbas (Abu Mazen) to resign his post.  Thousands took to the streets in protest of Musa's appointment.  Anti-Arafat demonstrators burned down one of Moussa Arafat's security posts.  Pro-Arafat elements took over the TV and radio stations to prevent them from falling to the opposition.

The man who may well be at the top of the kidnappings--Mohammed Dahlan--was one of of Abbas' ministers, and he lost his job as head of the security forces when Abu Mazen half resigned and half was forced out by Arafat; he hasn't gotten it back. Dahlan is actually reported to be a reasonable guy, this latest charge of kidnapping as a political tool (hey, it works in Iraq! Shout out to Spain and the Philippines!) notwithstanding. But one of the first criticisms of Ahmed Qureia, the second Prime Minister, was that he was Arafat's lackey, so there was no chance Dahlan would get the post, despite his closer relationship with the United States and Egypt, and his reputation within Israel as a reasonable man.  It's worth noting that none of the kidnappings have been fatal; both Jazali and the French hostages were released within a few hours of their abductions.
 
And now, Ahmed Qureia has resigned, making him the second Prime Minister in less than two years to leave because of Arafat's refusal to let go of the security services (which are an absolute mess anyway).  Arafat has thus far refused to accept his resignation, and the Palestinian cabinet is more or less begging him to stay.  Qureia cited increasing Palestinian poverty, failed peace efforts, and the anarchy that exists where the should be PA control as the reasons for his resignation.  It remains to be seen whether his resignation will stick. 
 
So let's sum this up.
 
We have, on the one hand, Yasir Arafat and his political faction.  They have stood in the way of peace with Israel by blocking reforms that would have taken power away from them but which would have allowed them to do more to fight terror and end corruption.  Think of them as "conservatives," former liberals who gained power and try to maintain the status quo to avoid giving it up.  Their political party is called Fatah.  Ghazi Jazali was one of Yasir Arafat's boot-licking sycophants; you can bet that Moussa Arafat will be even more of a toad.
 
On the other hand, now, we have these militants behind these kidnappings and the movement they represent; think of them as "reformers" (meaning not that they are going to carry out reforms themselves, but rather that they are demanding reform from Arafat's gang).  Mohammed Dahlan has always advocated reform and tried to fight against Arafat's attempt to hoard power, so he can be counted among these ranks.  It is telling that both Prime Ministers, Mahmoud Abbas and Ahmed Qureia, started out in Arafat's side (after all, he appointed them) and resigned(or tried to resign) in this camp because he blocked the reforms they needed to make.  These men are generally also members of Fatah who do not support the job Arafat is doing.
 
Behind all of this upheaval in the PA are two things: Islamic and Secular Extremism (Hamas and Islamic Jihad for the former, and PFLP, DFLP, and Fatah's Al-Aqsa Martyr's Brigades and the like for the latter) and the coming Israeli withdrawal from the Gaza Strip.  The withdrawal has brought matters to a head; the PA doesn't have a very strong presence in Gaza vis-a-vis the extremists, and it's not clear, when Israel withdraws, who will take power.  Arafat's appointment of Musa Arafat is an attempt to make sure that he will have the power; the reformers want it; and the extremists want it.  And the extremists, sad to say, are in the best position in Gaza.
 
So what does all of this mean?  None of these parties actually like Israel, obviously.  But they don't have to.  Analysts (and I) have been saying for a long time that a Palestinian civil war may be a sad necessity to make peace.  The extremists have too much power in that society, and I challenge anyone to come up with a way to relieve them of it without resorting to force.  It's a gridlocked situation where terror exists, Arafat won't fight it because he's too weak and he knows that it would be giving up a chip at the poker table, and thus won't turn over the power to fight terror to a Prime Minister, even one that he appointed.  Are we seeing the beginning of a civil war?  Well, maybe and maybe not.  Read this:  

"Those close to Dahlan said they will not accept the appointment of Moussa Arafat and are willing to undertake a "frontal confrontation" to remove him.
 
But sources close to Dahlan also said the confrontations will not deteriorate into civil war in the streets but will continue to take the form of kidnappings and possible assassinations." (Link)

Are you telling me that this strategy--continued kidnappings and assassinations--are not going to be forcibly resisted by the targets?  And that both sides' supporters aren't going to come out of their houses to support their political cause?  No one ever accused the Palestinians of not being political, or not being willing to fight for what they believe in.  Either one side is going to cave--which spells the end for that faction, so let us pray that it is not the reformers--or there is going to be a bloody confrontation.  And memories are long; if the situation comes to that, it won't blow over, even if it seems to.  This is a serious turning point; the first mass demonstrations against Arafat's misrule.  Even if this crisis passes, a red line in Palestinian politics has been crossed.  A three party war--between Arafat's Fatah, the reformers' Fatah, and the extremists--seems likely, and Israel will be involved on the periphery--hopefully it will be able to control the borders and keep the war limited to the Palestinian territories and not let it spread to Jordan or Egypt or Syria, or, worst of all, Lebanon.
 
And while I obviously don't support the strategy of kidnapping as a political tool, I find myself hoping that the kidnapper's relatively reasonable demands not to be governed by a corrupt and nepotistic regime are met.  No, it won't stop at kidnappings, and kidnappings are a criminal tactic, so this is a dangerous moment.  But at this point the PA has become so useless and intractable that, from a political standpoint, one hopes that Arafat will be forced to make reforms and not appoint his nephews.  Stability in the government means a better life for the Palestinian people, a moderation of extremism, and a better chance for regional peace. 


Saturday, July 17, 2004
 
Those Jerusalem Fridays...
I know, I disappeared for a few days. Life is filled with with schoolwork and preparation. Lots to do.

Yesterday evening, finally, we had a chance to breathe. It being a Friday night in Jerusalem, that meant, in stark contrast to the rest of the week, there was nothing to do. Well, almost nothing, anyway. We discovered, somewhat to our surprise, that the movie theatres were still open, which is not usually the case for a Friday. Then again, I'm not sure, since most of the time we haven't been in town on Friday nights.

The weather finally a little cooler, we walked to the mall (not the right word) where the movie theatre is located, through the Talpiot Industrial area. It was deserted; tons of shops, lots of parking, all empty. Where was the tumbleweed? On the way, we did see something sad; two dogs living in the circular garden in the center of a roundabout on the bottom of Pierre Koenig Street, just outside the police station. We tried to coax them over to see if they had tags, but they were skittish and afraid. Suddenly, from the police station, a young Ethiopian security guard calls us over. I thought he was going to give us a ticket for the dogs; instead, he pulled out a bag of dog food and cheese and some butter, and put it all together for us to give to them. The dogs, he said, have been there almost eight months; he works at the station two days a week, and brings them food. We brought the food to the dogs, but they were too timid to take it. We left them, hoping they would eat it (we would check back on our way home and they still hadn't eaten; I brought it closer to them, and they did eat). About a ten-minute walk later, inside the mall, there were two kids of about nine or ten years playing on the escalator. We bought our tickets and started to leave; the escalators had suddenly stopped, and the kids were really disappointed.

"Who stopped the stairs?" one of them asked in Hebrew. "What happened?"

"I don't know," I replied. "Why don't you check with the security guard?"

He and his friend ran off at ramming speed. By the time we got to the door, they were dejectedly picking up their bikes and heading away. Yes, they had come to the movie theatre building to play on the escalator. The Friday night shutdown affects everyone, apparently, and I really felt for the boredom the kids had to deal with. And now, their Friday night activity--up and down and up and down--had been snatched away. I silently wished them luck in finding something to do.

We had a quick dinner at Sini Spidi ("Speedy Chinese"), which is open on Shabbat and is, apparently, rather popular with lots of English speaking people. We were the only ones in the restaurant eating, but during our time there quite a few take-out orders were picked up.

Dinner done; movie time. I was especially excited for this movie, because we might be in it: Spiderman 2 (it was a Spidi night all around). Elana spent a couple of days and I spent a full week, while we lived in Chicago, working as extras on the film during the subway fight scene, which was so obviously the El and not the Subway--the Subway is subterranean in Manhattan, not elevated. But leaving that aside, we enjoyed the movie very much, although for some reason I can't fathom, Sam Raimi cut my closeup--apparently he made the creative decision that people would be more interested in the fight between Spidey and Doc Ock than they would be in seeing my brilliant stunned reaction to said fight. Ah, well. Still, good movie, and good way to stave off Friday night cabin fever.

Monday, July 12, 2004
 
Rousing the Rabble
Last night Elana and I made our way to the Jerusalem Theatre, the largest theatre complex in town, where they are screening Fahrenheit 9/11 all week. The theatre, which was small (about nine rows of fifteen seats) was two levels underground, which felt somehow appropriate.

What to say about the movie? Well, nobody is ever going to accuse Michael Moore of having a balanced view of things. For example, he showed footage of US troops in Iraq bullying in a private home, arresting a man....but we are given no hint of who the man was and what he might have done. Moore is a very talented filmmaker, and arranges things--with the use of slow motion and music--to manipulate our view of the situation, so that it's hard to imagine that anything except what he is suggesting could be the truth. He uses fear and intimidation--such as gruesome scenes from the war--to play on our emotions and get us to think what he wants us to think--exactly what he accuses Bush of doing. Both sides can use horrible scenes to their advantage--show us some gruesome scenes of Saddam's regime, in Kuwait, with the Kurds, and if you're at all human either set is going to hit you in the gut. It was also extremely painful to watch the beginning part of the movie, where representative after representative complaining about the 2000 elections was silenced by none other than Al Gore for failing to find a single senator to support them--because that was simply a powerful scene on its own right, directly related to the election.

Yesterday in Arabic class, I mentioned that I was going to see the movie. One of my new classmates, whose name I am ashamed to admit I do not know offhand, made derisive comments about Michael Moore's movies, accusing them of being just what it turned out to be. They twist facts to their own ends, he said, and they are manipulative. So is Bush, I pointed out, and noted the recent "major-attack-coming-but-we-don't-know-details-and-don't-want-to-raise-the-alert-level--no-of-course-the-timing-has-nothing-to-do-with-Kerry's-selection-of-Edwards" warning as an example.

"Yes," he said dismissively, excusingly, "but Bush is a politician. Michael Moore claims to be a documentarian."

Now that got me thinking, and was on my mind as I watched the movie. Which is worse--to be a President who manipulates facts, or to be a aggressive independant propagandist? The answer lies in the fact that the American people didn't elect Michael Moore to make movies, but they did (maybe) elect George Bush to lead us and not send our troops to die without a really good reason.

Yes, the facts that are presented in the film are manipulative, and the conclusions that Moore makes are leaps of logic at best. But what is Michael Moore doing, exactly? Would a moderate, even-handed look at the situation provoke all the debate that has arisen from the movie? I've read analysis that suggests that voter turnout is going to be extremely high this election, for both parties, in part because of this movie. Where Bush presents one extreme view, Michael Moore presents the other. Truth is no doubt somewhere in between. But I was talking to Elana after the movie, and we speculated that the intention of the movie was not to present "what's actually going on," but to present a sensationalized view of things, open the doors to this debate, to get people thinking and back in the democratic process. Moore may feel confident that if people start to think about it, they will come to rest in the same camp as he, even if they don't accept all his suggestions--once the "Bush is evil" music and "Bush's shifty eyes" slow motion roll to a stop.

Thank goodness that there are filmmakers like Michael Moore, who aren't afraid to challenge our leaders, provoke debate, and fend off apathy. Blind faith in our leaders is naive. Blind animosity towards them dehumanizes them. Change is provoked by extremes, but life hovers somewhere in between.

Sunday, July 11, 2004
 
Tel Aviv Terror Attack
A day after I mentioned, cautiously, that it had been quiet for the last few months, there was a terrorist attack this morning at about 7 AM in Tel Aviv. Here's the report from Haaretz, Israel's best newspaper. The Palestinian Authority has yet to make a statement, but if they do it will be here.

The latest reports are that one was killed and twenty wounded by a bomb placed next to the bus that runs between Tel Aviv and its southern suburb of Bat Yam, where Elana and I have visited family friends. This blast was not a suicide bomb, but was an explosive device hidden outside the bus in some weeds, and detonated during rush hour. Al Aqsa Martyr's Brigades--a terrorist group linked to Yasser Arafat's party--claimed responsibility.

This was the first attack in Israel proper (by this I mean, excluding the West Bank and Gaza) since the March attack at the port in Ashdod. That is a long period without an attack in this country, meaning that the wall, which the ICJ saw fit to condemn a couple of days ago, does indeed save lives, whatever else it may do. On both sides. A shame it didn't stop this attack. And I certainly hope the Belizean witness who testified at the ICJ agrees (see below).

Saturday, July 10, 2004
 
Why We Should Care About This
The ruling of the International Court of Justice in the Hague is beyond ridiculous, if certainly expected.

The court ruled that Israel's separation barrier is illegal. Well, sort of. It notes in the introduction, squeezed into the decision almost as an afterthought, that it is concerned with the "departure from the Armistice Line of 1949," which is, of course, the Green Line--thus implying, however briefly, that the ruling is not one of the legality of the wall itself, but rather the route--the route is a hot topic here, which the Israeli High Court recently changed--but not, as the Palestinians would love to play this up, a ruling against the "racist wall" or "apartheid wall." Still, if that's true, the ICJ The Separation Barriercertainly didn't do a good job of making that clear by hiding that one phrase inside the introduction, nor did it exactly pass itself off as unbiased by hearing testimony from "Palestine, the Republic of South Africa, the People's Democratic Republic of Algeria, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the People's Rebublic of Bangladesh, Belize, the Republic of Cuba, the Rebublic of Indonesia, the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, the United Nations, the Republic of Madagascar, Malaysia, the Republic of Senegal, the Republic of the Sudan, the League of Arab States, and the Organization of the Islamic Conference," and not a one from, oh, I don't know, pick a random Jewish country in the Middle East that is directly involved. Now, I don't want to downplay these nations and organizations--I'm sure the wall has a tremendous effect on daily life in Belize. But one would think, if the ICJ wanted to come up with a fair and balanced (in the real sense, not the FoxNews sense) ruling on this issue, they would have had someone present the Israeli side of it. The document mentions terrorism twice...both in quotation marks. The first quote is used as the counter of an argument to assert the court's right to offer an advisory opinion in the case, which is then discredited, and the second is the reprinting of an Israeli dispatch to the United Nations in 1991 concerning the nature of the threat it has faced since its existence and a call for a recognition of the legality of its security measures, which the ICJ also discounts for the Occupied Territories. So it's not as if Israel's position was well-represented at this court, although to be fair, perhaps that is because Israel refused to participate, expecting the court to be just the sham that it was. The words "suicide bomber," "terrorist," "murder," "civilians," "militant," even "activist"--none appear in the ruling. That last is a euphemism for terrorist, but the methods of the extremists of the Palestinian resistance--the very reason for the wall's existence--are nowhere in sight in the ruling on the wall's legality.

The very narrow question on which the court did deign to offer its opinion--the difficulty created by the route of the wall on the average Palestinians--is certainly relevant, and certainly needs to be addressed. It does create horrible hardships on the Palestinian people--and for those who are not involved with groups like Hamas and want to live their lives and improve their family's lot, it is undue hardship. But there is also undue hardship on Israelis who were blown up or disfigured for riding the bus because there was not such security in place, as well as on their families and friends. Incidentally, it has been quiet recently, thank God (knock on wood, wherever you are). The myth that is reinforced by the one-sided ruling is that only the Palestinians are suffering in the conflict. The Israelis--occupiers, land thieves, aggressive hawks (and, dare I say, Jews?)--no, they are just going about their daily lives. What right do they have to complain about not being able to go to a cafe for lunch when the Palestinian farmer is separated from his field?

Well, let me answer by example. A few weeks ago, in a small Colorado mountain community not too far from my hometown, a man who had his land rezoned went on a bulldozer rampage in the town center before shooting himself. Did he have a right to do that? Would he have had a right to shoot other people, enjoying a lunch, who in all probability had nothing to do with the de facto appropriation of his land? No? Why not? Why do the Palestinian extremists?

The point is, Israel has a right and a responsibility to defend itself and its citizens, be it from war, terror, or proceedings in the Hague which refuse to consider those rights and responsibilities legitimate.

There is yet good news, and that is that the court's ruling is indeed non-binding. Israel has asserted--and the court has sheepishly acknowledged--that it has no jurisdiction, and that Israel is not compelled to act based on its ruling. Yet its "advice" is not intended for Israeli ears, but rather for the UN Security Council, where the Palestinians hope it will lead to sanctions against Israel. Of course, the United States will veto anything of the sort (further increasing its popularity in Iraq, no doubt).

So, why should we care about this? A meaningless theatrical proceeding and half-blind ruling from faraway Hague, destined for a UN Security Council discussion and veto by the United States? Because it is indicative of the way the world is viewing this conflict. Many refuse to acknowledge Palestinian "suicide bombings," "homicide bombings," or "martyrdom operations," depending on who you are, as "terror." Most refuse to see beyond the Israeli occupation troops to the bombed out busses and cafes, just as some Israelis can't see beyond the bombed out busses and cafes--or the myth of "Greater Israel"--to the average Palestinian farmer and his struggle to feed his family. As I've reiterated on numerous occasions, myths in this part of the world are incredibly powerful, and as the ICJ in the Hague proves, that particular disease is spreading. No one--Israeli, Palestinian, Dutch, American, Belizean--can afford to try to impose a solution based upon the myths of one side. Perhaps it is too ambitious to hope for a solution based on reality, but at least one can hope for a solution that takes into account (even if it doesn't verify) the myths of both sides. The ICJ's ruling refused to consider even an Israeli perspective. This is a political ruling from a court that pays lip service to being above that. Such a political carte blanche for one side is only going to hurt. We'll know the world has stumbled upon something truly great when both sides are equally dissatisfied by it, but see it as partially acceptable. That will be the beginning of peace.

It's time to do what I can, though, in trying to understand both sides. Here is a list of links regarding the wall. It's time to take all the myths into account.
The Palestinian National Authority
The International Court of Justice
Haaretz
The Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs
A Speech on UN Anti-Semitism--although this is about the UN and not the ICJ, it is very relevant to the prevailing world view on the conflict. Thanks to the blog Israel Midnight Cafe for publicizing this.

Friday, July 09, 2004
 
Tel Aviv-ing
When you live in Jerusalem, it's pretty hard to stay away from Tel Aviv.

Where Jerusalem is the worldwide capital of Judaism, the national symbol of Israel, and the country's biggest city--and this is not even to mention its position in Islam and Christianity--it is also seriously lacking in some things that every city needs. Like, for instance, modern culture. Sure, there are clubs and bars and restaurants and tons of neat little shops. The city is beautiful as is, and would be even more beautiful if its residents kept it just a bit cleaner. It has things that you can't find anywhere else, like the Old City. Someone mentioned to me recently that Jerusalem is the only city in the world that could not be confused with any other city...even its closest neighbors, cities like Bet Shemesh and Modi'in, are profoundly different in appearance from Jerusalem. The closest Arab cities--like Bethlehem and Hebron--are also quite different, although perhaps a little closer in feel than the Israeli cities. But although it may have those things that no other city has, it does not have some things that you could find in any other city of size.

Like a fair number of serious art galleries, for instance. We found ourselves in Tel Aviv yesterday, to see the opening of an art show at a new gallery for one of Elana's instructors, Ben Tritt. Ordinarily I wouldn't use a full name online--it's way too easy to google oneself and find out what people are saying about you--but what I'm going to say about this show is going to be positive, and, as an artist, I imagine he wouldn't mind any sort of publicity, even the meagre exposure that comes with a mention on this weblog.

His paintings are fantastic. He has a wonderful sense of light, space, composition, and most of all, color. I can't explain the way in which the colors worked together on his paintings, they just did. It's a pity that he is leaving JSS, which he helped build and organize, at the end of the summer to go to the States to get his MFA. A pity for Elana and the other students, that is, because he's been a wonderful teacher to them all year.

Before we went to Ben's show, we stopped off at an art store--an large and well-stocked art store, another urban necessity which Jerusalem lacks--to pick up some pigment in preparation for the summer.

Wednesday, July 07, 2004
 
Shake, baby, shake
It was a relaxing earthquake we felt just now. Tiny, gentle and rolling, although there was one somewhat strong jolt.

The question now becomes where the epicenter was. If it was at the Dead Sea, like last time, I doubt it did much damage. If it was in Iran or Turkey, well...bad news. I'm off to check CNN.

Tuesday, July 06, 2004
 
An open letter to the Hebrew Language Department
Dear Hebrew language instruction department of Hebrew University,

Just because I have stated my intentions to discontinue our relationship as of my successful completion of the fourth level ("daled") of Hebrew, that being the highest level required by the masters degree program in which I am currently enrolled, I see no reason why you should have suddenly become so bitter and vengeful that you would behave in such an unbefitting manner over the past 24 hours.

When I returned this semester, I worked hard to catch up, and finished all the assignments early. I was dismayed to discover that my effort was not matched by a similar effort on your part, when the teacher assigned to my class informed me that although she very well recalled the project I turned in earlier this semester--well before the due date--she could not find it, nor had she recorded a grade for it. I was somewhat heartened when she told me that I would not have to repeat the project, and would give me a good grade on it regardless.

Yesterday I received a text message on my phone, informing me that I had achieved a final grade of 65 (sixty-five) in the Hebrew course. I was utterly baffled by this cryptic message, as I found it impossible to think that I had done badly enough on the final examination to drive my grade down at least 20 percent. I was upset and admittedly worried, though also mostly confident that this was a mistake on your part.

When I arrived this morning to school and went to check if the message was indeed correct, your disorganization became even more obvious. The secretary in your office informed me that it was an automated message based on the entry of the final grade into the computer system. Imagine my confusion when the computer had my grade recorded as a 75--and still without credit for the project which my teacher verbally admitted losing to me on several occasions. The difficulty was compounded by the freezing and shut-down of not one but two computers.

I am unsure of how the computer sent me the wrong grade, why I still had received no credit for my project, and why your computers are in such bad shape. I appreciate that you have since spoken with my teacher and confirmed a grade on the project, and that you have also verbally confirmed to me that I have passed the course.

You will excuse me, I am sure, if I wait for written confirmation of my successful completion of the Hebrew language requirement before I celebrate.

Incidentally, I would like to add that the course was little but an eight-hour-per-week dictionary--I learned new vocabulary, but my grammar skills did not advance past the level I achieved at the end of last semester (the level "gimel" course, by the way, was excellent). I am glad to be finished with you, as this semester you have offered only confusion, busy-work, and unnecessary stress.

Got zol dir bentshn mit dray mentshn: eyner zol dir haltn, der tsveyter zol dir shpaltn un der driter zol dir ba’haltn.*


Sincerely,

Hebrewlion

P.S. To my readers: As I hope this illustrates, the most ridiculous things go wrong in Israel, and when they do you need to follow them through all the way until the end to make sure they get taken care of. Otherwise, they don't. The trick is not to get too upset, and to threaten to dog someone's every step until everything is set aright. It's counter to my civil instincts, but it's become ingrained in my survival instincts.


*Yiddish: "God should bless you with three people: one should grab you, the second should stab you and the third should hide you."

Thursday, July 01, 2004
 
Brain Overload
The ulpan phenomenon is one which I am sure many of you are aware of. For those of you who aren’t, an ulpan is an intensive (5-6 hours a day, five days a week) language course, usually Hebrew, designed to help new olim—new immigrants to Israel—learn the language they will need in order to assimilate into and function within Israeli society. In recent years, although still required by law, the necessity of studying in an ulpan has diminished on account of the fact that there are so many immigrants, it’s not a real difficulty to find a Russian community or an Ethiopian community (this is not to mention the fact that large swaths of the population speak Russian, English, German, French, Spanish, and of course Yiddish, as their primary or secondary language). In other words, when Israelis tell you that you need Hebrew in order to get by in this country, they are not lying—-but they are also not being particularly accurate, either.

Nevertheless, people go to the ulpan, in part because of the legal requirement and in part because life really is a lot easier if you know the country’s overarching common language. Still, until this past week, I did not realize what ulpan truly was.

My ulpan is, of course, the intermediate literary Arabic course, which, thanks to the scheduling fiasco I mentioned earlier, is meeting every day of the week except for Saturday. Perhaps the way I feel today is a corollary of the fact that I, and the six other souls who studied with me in beginning literary Arabic course over the past year and are my classmates over the summer, didn’t receive any sort of day off to separate the summer course from the semester; perhaps it’s the fact that when class was not held last Tuesday, it was because the seven of us had to take our Arabic final from the previous course (which went fine, by the way—the few sessions of the summer course we’d already had were a great review). Perhaps it’s the simple fact that I, like everyone else in there, is focusing on a language five hours a day, coming home and doing two hours of homework, in an environment where it’s impossible to escape that language. I’m not complaining, however this may sound: I knew what to expect going in as far as the hours and the immersion go, and I have no doubt that I’ll come out of this course ready to tackle the advanced literary Arabic course (third year) in good shape.

But I do think I got a bit overloaded.

As a background, I’ve been sick with some sort of virus with a fever for the last couple of days. I’ve see-sawed a bit between feeling almost completely better during class yesterday morning and feeling suddenly absolutely rotten as I was about to leave for class about an hour and a half ago. Last night, I had a nightmare that I was being chased by the Arabic alphabet—-I kid you not. "Kufs" and "‘Ayns" and "Fas" were approaching me, circling me like sharks, and even forming words I know in order to intimidate me (because of the focus of the course, this means that the words “Minister of Defense” and “Governmental Council” were aggressively menacing me into a state of panic). I knew that some letters were allies and would help me out (most of these were the letters I learned early on, like my old friends, the “Ba” and “Ta” and “Alif”), but they were nowhere to be found.

Arabic has invaded my every pore, and it’s getting hard to breathe. So when I felt sick this morning, I decided for both my physical and emotional health that I need a day away from it. Saturdays don’t count. I need an actual, middle-of-the-week day off. So now I’m home, trying not to think about Arabic or its ominous alphabet. As soon as I’m done writing, that is. Which is now.


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